Jubilee South | 2000 National Coalition

This was the official site for the 2000 Jubilee South Manifesto​.
The content is from the site's 2000 archived pages.

Jubilee South Manifesto
Beyond Debt and 2000
Liberating ourselves from debt and domination

At this historic juncture of suffering, crisis and ongoing resistance, the subversive memory of jubilee emerges as a powerful vision of hope for a new beginning.
It is a vision not limited to debt cancellation, nor to some countries, nor to the year 2000, nor to the probable or viable as conventionally imagined. This is a vision springing from the sacred and moral responsibility to limit power and uphold life. We assume the jubilee call to conversion and reparation as essential elements for the ethical, social, and environmental survival of all of creation.
There is neither peace nor global community without life for the impoverished and excluded. Jubilee is about restoring life and community. It is a periodic call for the radical redistribution of wealth and power, the liberation of those who are oppressed or held captive, and the renewal of the earth and all its inhabitants.
For us today, women and men throughout the global south on the eve of a new millennium, jubilee signifies freedom from debt and all forms of domination together with the restoration of land and a dignified livelihood to all the oppressed: to children, to aboriginal and colonised peoples, to women, to the uprooted and the victims of aggression, to the environment.
To these and others, a debt is owed that must be paid. a historical and moral debt whose repayment will flow and be sustained on the basis of putting an end to the vicious cycle of inequality and impunity that underpins debt bondage and dependence.
We cannot therefore confine our jubilee advocacy to the terms and framework largely dictated by the perpetrators of the paradigm of death.
Rather, we are compelled to speak from the perspective of those who suffer the consequences of debt domination and thus to take with them, a strong position in favour of an urgent but also integral approach to insuring life beyond debt and restoring harmony and equity to the global community.
In so doing, we draw on and subscribe to the following key elements brought forth during discussions within and among popular movements, religious groups and jubilee 2000 campaigns throughout the global south, including the Tegucigalpa and Lima gatherings in Latin America and the Caribbean, the Accra, Gauteng and Lusaka meetings in Africa, and various declarations from the Philippines and other Asian countries.

  1. Illegitimate and unserviceable debt is an immediate but not the only manifestation of the negative impact of hegemonic capitalist globalisation on the peoples of the south. Hence, the need to relate the debt issue to the global agenda for economic justice.
  2. Unpayable debts are a moral and ethical category, not simply a fiscal one. the will, based on the legitimacy of the debt, in the first place, is more important than the financial capacity to pay no matter what parameters are used to calculate.
  3. The urgency of debt cancellation is not limited to some countries but rather inclusive of a wide variety of country situations and purported debt levels. Our fundamental concern is the dignity and integrity of all peoples everywhere.
  4. Debt cancellation must be linked to processes that put an end to the perpetual indebtedness of the south, including the abandoning of creditor-imposed structural adjustment. Debt "relief" with a view toward "sustainable" debt servicing and new indebtedness is inherently flawed.
  5. Popular participation in the process and control of debt cancellation is vital to its potential effectiveness.
  6. Initiatives for immediate debt relief are welcome provided they do not carry with them conditionalities, such as structural adjustment that perpetuate oppression.
  7. People and governments must address the moral and economic deficiencies of the economic system in all its components. Including the production, trading and financial regimes that increase the concentration of wealth at the national and international level while multiplying poverty and economic violence against the majority of the world's population, leading to ethical and environmentally unsustainable patterns of production and consumption.

1. Debt, one of the most visible negative effects of the development paradigm espoused by the united states and other G-7 countries, the World Bank, IMF and WTO, is definitely linked to the crisis of the neo-liberal paradigm as exemplified by the most recent Asian, Brazilian, and global financial crises. The impact of these crises on the wellbeing of peoples in the global south takes the form of mounting uncollectable and unserviceable debt in their countries and the passing of private sector debt on to the public sector as condition for the bail out of bankrupt states.
2. There is overwhelming evidence that the foreign debt problem of the south can not be solved nor alleviated within the framework of the IMF - WB. The purported foreign debts of underdeveloping countries as of 1993 total $1.7 trillion, despite them having repaid $14 trillion in debt service. Debt servicing compounded by direct capital flight and profit repatriation by foreign investors drains our nations of their wealth. Caught in a vicious debt trap, we are thrown further into economic ruin and social decay. The human costs of debt domination threaten prospects for democratic governance and augment the violation of fundamental human rights.
3. Debt servicing restructures our economies and draws away needed funds from basic social services, especially health and education, land, housing and nutrition, employment guarantees and old-age pensions. Yet there is no end in sight under the present IMF -WB imposed "development" track for our countries. For peoples throughout the global south, the real imperative is to break away from the >debt cycle and work for genuine social and economic transformation. Hence, a sustained people's campaign that strikes at the very causes of indebtedness and brings an end to the impunity of those responsible is urgent.
As Jubilee South we share not only a common vision but also a common commitment, to work together and in solidarity with other nations and peoples around the globe to build this movement to break the cycle of debt domination. We thus commit ourselves to working for:

  • The nullification of structural adjustment loans tied to the IMF and other "rescue packages"nor "debt relief" or all other loan agreements that prescribe banking and finance liberalisation and the sale of state assets to private monopolies.
  • The abrogation of all agreements that provide for public assumption of private sector debts and other onerous terms; co-responsibility amongst creditors and borrowers for bad debts and corrupt lending; That IMF be open and transparent in its dealings.
  • The cancellation of the debts of impoverished countries, without conditions, beginning with odious and illegitimate debts.
  • The promotion of self-reliantm and sustainable economies, ensuring first domestic needs as opposed to export-oriented and import-dependent economy.

As Jubilee South we are at the same time committed to working for immediate debt relief that is not tied to further structural adjustment and new indebtedness.

As part of the worldwide jubilee 2000 movement, we demand and expect real and comprehensive debt cancellation by the end of the year 2000.

But we know this is not a passing campaign. Jubilee is the struggle of our lives and our peoples, not just a summit, a year, or even a millennium. It is a struggle to liberate ourselves and all of creation from debt and domination; to insure life and dignity for all people everywhere; to safeguard the earth and promote our common renewal. As such, we invite all people of good will everywhere to support us as we move beyond debt and into life.


Accra Declaration

WE participants from Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America and North America, attending the Jubilee 2000 Afrika Campaign Launch in Accra, Ghana, from April 16th - 19th, 1998:

HAVING reflected on and discussed the Debt Crisis in Afrika and its effects on the people of the Continent,


  • That the root-causes of these Debts lie in the History of Slavery and Colonialism,
  • That the Debt Crisis is a function of the unjust system of International Trade and Investment and of Unaccountable Government,
  • That the conditions and the policies that constitute the framework for the repayment of these Debts are unjustifiable instruments of control of the destiny of the Afrikan people,
  • That Afrika has paid by way of debt servicing far more than the original loans contracted and that currently for every $1 in grant to Afrika, the developed World takes out of Afrika $1.31;


  • The general failure of I.M.F and World Bank policies and prescriptions in Afrika,
  • That the International Financial Institutions are inefficient, undemocratic, non-transparent and unaccountable in their dealings with Africa and undermine our sovereignty,
  • That these debts are simply unpayable and that Afrika will continue to be in economic bondage and its ability to develop blocked unless the debt burden is eliminated;


The inability of governments in Afrika to alleviate, let alone eliminate mass poverty;


Writing off these debts, as was the case with Britain and Germany after the Second World War, would have negligible impact on the International Financial Institutions and Markets,


The immediate and unconditional cancellation of Afrika's external debts;

That all the gains from Debt Cancellation be re-channelled into social services, in particular, Education, Health and Housing;

That good governance, accountability and responsibility in Afrikan States be part and parcel of the conditions before any new loans are contracted;

That accountability, transparency and democracy be established in the structures and operations of the International Lending Institutions;

That the current system of International trade and Investment be restructured so that Afrika can be free to develop its resources for the benefit of her people;

That organisations of Civil Society be actively consulted and involved by both lending institutions and Afrikan Governments in loan transactions;


for the formation of Jubilee 2000 National Coalitions across the Continent embracing the whole spectrum of Civil Society and its organisations in Afrika to spearhead the active mobilisation of Afrikan people in the campaign to eliminate the Debt Burden;

On religious bodies to stand up to their moral obligation and fulfil their prophetic mission of defending the voiceless;

On other Jubilee 2000 Coalitions to sustain and deepen their solidarity with the Jubilee 2000 Afrika Campaign;


We dedicate ourselves to the Jubilee 2000 Afrika Campaign for the elimination of the debt Burden so that Afrika will have the opportunity of harnessing her human and natural resources for development and transformation as we enter the 21. Millennium.

Accra 19th April 1998


Latin American and Caribbean Jubilee 2000 Platform

Tegucigalpa Declaration
Yes to Life, No to Debt

The foreign debt of the so-called Third World, due to its exorbitant amount and rate of growth, and because of worsening conditions, now excludes four-fifths of the world's population from economic and social development. The debt is a direct reflection of the unjust international economic order, the result of the long history of slavery and exploitation to which our peoples have been subject.
In the mid 1970s, Latin America's foreign debt totalled $60 billion. By 1980, it was $204 billion, and by 1990, $443 billion. It is estimated that the amount will reach nearly $706 billion in 1999, requiring debt service payments of $123 billion. In payments to service the foreign debt alone, the region paid out $739 billion between 1982 and 1996 - _ more than the entire accumulated debt.

Under these circumstances, foreign debt has been and continues to be unpayable, illegitimate, and immoral.
It is impossible to pay. There is no mathematical formula that can achieve it. Two decades of unattainable financing plans drawn up for developing countries have demonstrated this with complete certainty.
The debt is illegitimate because, in large measure, it was contracted by dictatorships, governments not elected by the people, as well as by governments which were formally democratic, but corrupt. Most of the money was not used to benefit the people who are now being required to pay it back.
The debt is also illegitimate because it swelled as a result of interest rates and negotiating conditions imposed by creditor governments and banks, who persistently and outrageously denied debtor countries the right of association. Meanwhile, the creditor groups joined together in veritable creditor syndicates (Paris Club, Management Committee) backed by the economic coercion of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Their strategy was clear: you negotiate on your own; we negotiate as a bloc.
In addition, it is immoral to pay the debt because in order to do so, the governments of our countries must use an extremely high percentage of the national budget, adversely affecting the delivery of social programs, the wages of working men and women, generating unemployment and seriously affecting the economy. There is already a huge social deficit in terms of people's health, education and nutrition. Governments today spend 60 percent less per capita than they did in 1970. Furthermore, attempting to increase exports will only lead to super-exploitation of our natural resources, which will increasingly damage the environmental balance of our countries and threaten the very survival of future generations.
The debt is also used as a justification to maintain neo-liberal policies, including what are known as Structural Adjustment Programs, as institutional mechanisms to perpetuate a state of dependence.
Bail-out programs by creditors, with the support of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, including the Highly Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (HIPC), have only served to ensure continuity for mechanisms to keep countries deep in debt.
From a legal perspective, we stress the fact that international and national laws on debt generally fail to meet the objective of ensuring peaceful coexistence. These are legal measures which threaten the paramount objective of the law, work against the public interest, and jeopardize social peace; therefore, they have no legitimate raison d'etre. Usury and the charging of interest on top of interest should be forbidden. The monopolistic practices of banks, international institutions and first world governments are illegal, as is the denial of the right of free association for debtor nations. Systematic and quasi-legal corruption, the flight of capital and "tax havens" are an integral part of the legal problems involved in foreign debt.
In the Bible (Lev. 25), Jubilee calls for justice between creditors and debtors, as well as peace and harmony within human society, nature, and the universe, and the elimination of enslavement resulting from debt.
On the threshold of the third millennium, considering the unbearable situation in which our peoples live and inspired by the Biblical teaching of Jubilee, we are launching the Latin American and Caribbean Jubilee 2000 Campaign. In so doing, we join the international Jubilee movement in calling for cancellation/annulment of the debt of the world's most impoverished nations by the year 2000.

Here & Now: I like to think of the call for the cancellation / annulment of the debt as the same as using sanitized Clorox wipes, specifically their germicidal wipes which kill C. difficile spores in 3 minutes, bacteria and 14 viruses in 30 seconds to 1 minute and TB and fungi in 3 minutes. No pre-cleaning required! So like Clorox Bleach germicidal wipes, we want to wipe away these despicable debts that perpetuate a state of dependence.

Demands of the Latin American and Caribbean Jubilee 2000 Campaign:

  1. Cancel/annul, by the year 2000, the immoral and illegitimate debt of the countries of the third world in accordance with the following principles:
  • a process that is transparent and includes all stakeholders
  • in future negotiations, limit the service on the foreign debt to a percentage not to exceed 3% of a country's budget, in consideration of the precedent of Peru in 1946 and Germany in 1953
  • comprehensiveness and coordination with all the stakeholders involved, in consideration of the Insolvency Law in countries such as the United States, which regulates insolvency proceedings for municipalities.
  • the right to appeal by any debtor nation. Creditors and debtors will appoint an equal number of judges to an Arbitration Panel or Tribunal. Debtor nations will make such appointments on the basis of broad consultation with all sectors of society.
  • in certain cases, when the Arbitration Tribunal deems appropriate, a mechanism may be created to study possible partial cancellation of debt, taking into account the range of indebtedness, origin of the debt and the level of poverty of the population
  1. Take into consideration, in the process of cancelling/annulling the debt, the urgent need to guarantee the right to development of Latin America, the Caribbean, Africa and Asia, as well as our human rights as individuals and peoples, and an end to existing impunity.
  2. Conduct a broad audit of the process of indebtedness of each nation, using local tribunals, with the participation of civil society organizations in order to ensure transparency and access to information for all citizens.
  3. Ensure that resources freed up from payment of the foreign debt be used to repay the social and environmental debt to our peoples through: plans and programs for human development, particularly the creation of decent jobs; strengthening social policies with regard to education, health and social security, as well as environmental protection; consideration of the impact of all policies on the most vulnerable groups, especially boys and girls, older women and men, women in general, and indigenous persons; and ensure the active participation of civil society in the design, implementation, follow-up and evaluation of the entire process.
  4. Transform the current international economic and financial system in ways that place it at the service of human beings, based on international relationships between nations and peoples predicated on justice, equity and solidarity. It is therefore necessary to strengthen the political organizations of the United Nations, restoring their role of defining policy, which has been usurped by executive organizations.
  5. Completely reject the Multilateral Agreement on Investment because of its absolute subordination of men and women, peoples and nations to the logic of the market and capital.

We call on Jubilee 2000 campaigns in creditor nations to embrace the demands expressed in this proposal. We appeal especially to campaigns in the North not to put forward resolutions or make any laws which would include specific figures, nor any which would provide less than what we are currently proposing.
We call on the peoples of Latin America, the Caribbean and the world to develop new power relations at all levels of society, to ensure the ongoing struggle against all forms of injustice, violence and discrimination.
We are strongly on the side of Peace with Dignity and Justice.

No to Debt, Yes to Life.
Tegucigalpa, 27 January 1999


Lusaka Declaration and Areas of Action:

Towards an "African Consensus" on Sustainable Development and Sustainable Solutions to the Debt Crisis

We represent social organisations from across the African continent, and we have deliberated for three days about our experiences, values and visions for solving the debt crisis, an affliction that has reversed human development and environmental progress over the past quarter-century.
Our conference is part of a process of Movement-building within and beyond Africa: a Movement against the crippling impact of debt on billions of people across the world, and for a new, people-centred genuine form of development.
Our objectives were to expand upon our predecessors - the Accra, Lome and Gauging Declarations; to begin to establish a new "Africa Consensus" on sustainable development (to replace the bankrupt "Washington Consensus"); to identify demands, strategies and enhanced roles for Debt Coalitions and Jubilee 2000 chapters - and, indeed, civil society more broadly; and to define and undertake a plan of action leading to debt cancellation and genuine development, based on freedom, justice and equality for both genders and all communities.
We endorse the spirit of the Accra, Lome and Gauteng Declarations in their recognition of the magnitude and unacceptability of Africa's illegitimate debt, and their commitment to moving beyond debt bondage and abject poverty, towards sustainable human development, which specifically addresses the needs of the historically, socially and economically disadvantaged groups.
We reiterate the call for total debt cancellation, and we insist that creditors and G7 countries cannot be allowed, anymore, to dictate the terms of cancellation. Africans ourselves must determine our own development path. We as civil society have a strong - sometimes-decisive - role in determining the necessary conditions for sustainable development.
The Highly Indebted Poor Country (HIPC) initiative and other debt relief proposals, including the recent proposals from G7 countries (notably from the United States, Britain and Germany), all insist on unacceptable conditions, and entail inadequate amounts of relief. The conditions are invariably associated with the top-down Washington Consensus, which has had such a devastating impact on so many countries these past two decades. Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) and the Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility (ESAF) have deepening economic, social and ecological hardships for the vast majority of people on the continent. Enough is enough.
In very practical ways, the case studies we have considered from our colleagues in Uganda and Mozambique have shown the limits to the HIPC initiative, the disastrous effect of HIPC conditionality, the lack of meaningful debt relief, and the reinforced status quo of social inequality, economic exploitation and domination by international financiers and rich-country governments.
Moreover, the so-called Debt Relief Initiatives have not resulted from inclusive negotiations. The Paris Club and the HIPC Initiative are merely processes and frameworks imposed by Creditors on Debtors.
In sum, we reject HIPC and the other current debt relief processes and commit ourselves to expose their fundamental flaws in each of the countries, particularly in the run-up to the June 1999 G-8 Meeting in Cologne, Germany. As members of African civil society, we believe we have the standing to speak truth to power, in a way that often our own political leaders lack courage to do, in the presence of overwhelming Northern financial arrogance.
In addition, we commit ourselves to working against localised symptoms of our debt burden and economic process, including war, corruption and other evils that undermine our development processes. We declare that we will intensify our work towards the democratisation of our societies, in a gender-sensitive manner.
Ultimately, however, we insist that debt is a manifestation of the neoliberal world order, the power of international banks to push loans on Southern borrowers without the democratic inputs of parliaments and civil societies, and the disastrous character of the world economy, which charges ever greater prices for imports from the North while paying ever lower prices for Southern exports.
In short, debt is one of the most important instruments of Northern domination over the South and the domination of financiers over people, production and nature everywhere. As part of our struggle to liberate ourselves from this bondage, we make demands for the cancellation of debt as part of a broader struggle to fundamentally transform the current world economic order and transfer power from the political leadership of the rich countries and the economic power of Transnational Corporations an international financiers, and their instruments, notably the International Monetary Fund, World Bank and World Trade Organisation. Likewise, these forces have instruments in the South, namely some of our own technocratic, political and commercial elite who are in the tiny minority of Africans who continue to promote the Washington Consensus.
In the same spirit, we will make reasonable, rational demands for reparations to compensate for the economic, social and environmental damage which affect our people. These reparations will not be allowed to trickle into our elites' pockets, but must be directed into rebuilding our societies and environments, and in the process to restoring our human dignity, and especially that of women.
We draw strength from the experiences of gains made by civil societies in the world in securing their demands. For example, in helping to end apartheid, in successfully questioning ecologically-destructive projects (such as big dams), in banning landmines, and in halting the transnational corporate "Multilateral Agreement on Investment," our civil societies have made their mark over the past decade.
We are convinced that the world's people of conscience are now fully aware of the damage being done by debt to Africa's women, men, children and environment. We are confident in linking the conditions associated with current forms of debt relief, to our ongoing suffering. And we are committed to ending such conditions, replacing the Washington Consensus on neoliberal development with an Africa Consensus on genuine development, and adding to our demands the need for the reparations required to assure our society's ability to meet our basic human needs and to repair our degraded environments.
We commit ourselves to mobilising ourselves at local, national, sub-regional and Africa regional levels. We commit ourselves to strengthening the various tools and instruments of democratic governance in Africa, in order to ensure that our governments finally begin to represent the interests of our peoples. We commit ourselves, to these ends, to strengthening relationships with the progressive civil societies of the South as well as in the North.

Areas of Action

Our strategy to achieving our objectives includes the following principles and action areas.
1. Conditions on Debt cancellation.
In the context of an African Consensus for genuine development - NOT the neoliberal Washington Context - we endorse the total cancellation of African foreign debt in order that the proceeds go to meet our society's basic human needs and restoring our environment. National processes should determine particular priorities to these ends. If such redirection of development resources is not the demonstrable outcome of immediate stages of debt cancellation, a mechanism must be developed - probably involving an international human rights arbitration institution (to remove conditionality power from Washington Consensus organisations) to assure that proceeds from cancellation go to meeting basic human needs (with no decline in existing resources to this end). A follow up task force will work to take forward activities to more forcefully define the African Consensus, and in addition, to define the terrain of the international mechanism required, to establish more detailed guidelines on beneficiaries of debt cancellation proceeds, and to forge the local, regional and international alliances required to bring this mechanism about.
2. Enhancing civil society capacity
We believe that without a dramatic increase in our own power, we would not succeed. This power comes from more mass education and mobilisation towards effective mass campaigns and actions; more contact and persuasion through the media (just as we intensify our efforts to achieve media freedom); and more sophisticated engagement with our governments and parliaments. African civil society organisations have great needs, of which some are material but some that reflect our own capacity to better represent our constituents. Regarding funding, Northern support with strings attached continues to be a barrier to our own development. What is needed is a share of debt cancellation proceeds to be earmarked to capacitate civil society to carry out all the areas of action outlined here (as well as others that might arise). This is the only logical way to level the playing fields between international institutions, African governments and civil society, which have dramatically declining capacity in that order. But more generally, in grappling with complex debt-related issues, African civil society organisations need to prioritise research (and training of researchers), better dissemination of information, deeper empowerment of people through information and organisation, and continued attention to disaggregation of issues by gender. We believe that our Lusaka Declaration and some forth-coming work in the same spirit should feed into the south-South process.
3. Reparations and loan audits
African civil society realises that Northern institutions and governments have long dominated and exploited Africa. Some estimates of this exploitation have been made, for example in studies of the damage done by apartheid-caused lending until 1994 conducted by Action for Southern Africa (London). More research is required, and we call on progressive researchers and academics to intensify their documentation of the ongoing and historic ways in which Africa has been exploited, in the tradition of Walter Rodney's How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. As a first priority, additional research on audits of foreign loans (for failed development or structural adjustment projects) will be required, partly to establish co-responsibility of the creditors in very specific ways. This information will help establish how much in reparations we can legitimately demand, and will allow us to approach lenders and donors on a bilateral and multilateral basis. In particular, corrupt political leaders, bureaucrats and businesspeople have engaged in systematic capital flight and corruption, and we call our allies who monitor offshore financial flows to intensify their studies of how much of Africa's resources have been raided. In turn, we require strategies to force those in the North who have benefited from African capital flight - including the major international banks - to acknowledge their responsibility to pay reparations to our societies. Examples of previous reparations include Swiss banks in relation to Nazi German and the Marcos regime in the Philippines, and land rights reparations for indigenous Canadians and Australians. Led by the South African demand for reparations from banks which funded apartheid, we will intensify our demands for social justice the more we identify how our continent has been systematically exploited.
4. New international financial arrangements
As we develop our Africa Consensus on genuine development, we in civil society will also more firmly advocate the disengagement of our countries from the IMF and World Bank, whose interests are diametrically opposed to our own. To this end, we commit to starting debates on disengagement and proposing alternatives (and to acquiring capacity to do better research and advocacy to make our case). International aid should be channelled primarily into meeting human needs. In cases where hard currency is absolutely required for vital inputs that have no local replacements, and where donor grants are not required, loans should be in the form of interest-free credits. Hard currency loans should not be taken out for luxury goods imports, inappropriate capital-intensive machinery or debt repayments
5. Towards an enhanced parliamentary and civil society role
Any approval for new foreign loans should be passed through parliaments, and if this is not already a feature of constitutions or legislation, it should become so. The relationship between civil society and government, especially parliaments, in each of our countries should be strengthened. Civil society organisations representing poor and working people should at the very least have formal standing in assessing and monitoring these proposed loans, for example through providing submissions to parliamentary committees, regularly scheduled public debates, serving on statuary financial commissions, and engaging in formal evaluations. In general, transparent disclosure of information associated with our debt burdens should become policy and law. Civil society organisations commit to increasing their parliamentary advocacy and doing rigorous, widely-disseminated and accessible research to these ends.
6. Towards a Debtors' Cartel
We endorse the collective repudiation of illegitimate foreign debt by our political leaders, again on the condition that the benefits from cancellation be redirected to Africa Consensus forms of sustainable development. However, in view of the failure of efforts along these lines (for example by Julius Nyerere of Tanzania in 1983), we recognise that our political elite may not have either the courage (or self-interest) to establish such a cartel. As a result, we make a commitment to linking our arms across borders to not only put united pressure on our leaders to establish a Debtors' Cartel, but also to compel them to include civil society in negotiations with Creditors.
7. Our Jubilee ultimatum
If we do not see progress towards the cancellation of Africa's foreign debt by the end of December 2000, African civil society organisations will ratchet up pressure towards the debt repudiation option, and intensify our commit to disengage from forces which continue to chain us.
Affirmed by African organisations civil society working on debt from the following countries:
Burkina Faso, Lesotho, Kenya, Malawi, Mozambique, Nigeria, Cameroon, Swaziland, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
19-21 May, 1999 Lusaka, Zambia.